The Collapse of the Hittite Empire

The early part of Suppiluliuma's rule focused on strengthening the Hittite heartland. He bolstered Hattusa's defences, constructing expansive city walls that enclosed a substantial area exceeding 120 hectares. Additionally, the Hittite Empire witnessed territorial expansion towards the southeast, with most northern Syrian cities bowing to Suppiluliuma's authority.

Suppiluliuma I, capitalizing on a weakened Mitanni, flexed his military muscle. He conquered Syria and backed a rival claimant to the Mitanni throne. This strategic move forced Egypt, wary of the Hittite army's rising power, to abandon their support for the Mitanni king, Tushratta.

Taking advantage of Egypt's political turmoil under Pharaoh Akhenaten, Suppiluliuma I launched a successful expansion. He effortlessly annexed kingdoms and vassal states previously under Egyptian control, such as Byblos. About sixty of the Amarna letters document Egyptian diplomatic efforts to keep the kings of Byblos, Rib-Hadda and his successor Ili-Rapih, loyal. The extent to which Byblos was then influenced or controlled by the Hittites is still a matter of debate. The letters also indicate that the Habiru, a miscellaneous group of outlaws, rebels, and mercenaries who roamed the Fertile Crescent at this time, were raiding neighbouring city states.

Akhenaten's death offered further opportunity. The new Pharaoh, Tutankhamun, attempted to halt the Hittite advance by dispatching General Horemheb. However, these efforts proved largely futile. The Hittite army, honed through recent conquests, had significantly outpaced the declining Egyptian forces.

This unprecedented request from an Egyptian queen understandably caused suspicion. Suppiluliuma I confirmed its authenticity before sending his son Zananza to Egypt for a potential marriage and ascension to the throne.

A devastating plague swept through the region in 1322 BC, claiming the life of Hittite king Suppiluliuma I. The prevailing theory suggests the illness arrived with Egyptian captives he brought back from his conquests. This tragedy resulted in a rapid succession. Arnuwanda II, the heir groomed for the throne, also succumbed to the plague. The crown then passed to his younger brother, Mursilli II.

Mursilli II's youth and lack of experience led the surrounding rulers to underestimate him. However, as history would reveal, this was a grave miscalculation.

Despite facing an outbreak of disease within their own ranks, Mursili launched a military campaign to quell the rebellion. The siege of Apasa, the Arzawan capital, proved decisive. Uhha-Ziti and his family were forced to flee to Mycenaean-controlled territory, effectively crippling Arzawa's power. This victory solidified Mursili II's position and marked a turning point in Hittite dominance over Anatolia.

Mursili II's 25-year reign ended with his death, leaving the throne to his son Muwatalli II (1295-1272 BC). Muwatalli II immediately faced a pressing issue: a figure named Piyamaradu (or Piyama-Radu) who presented an ongoing challenge.

Piyamaradu's strategy involved launching attacks and raids on various Hittite vassal states, including Arzawa, Seha, Lazpa (present-day Lesbos), and Wilusa (commonly identified as Troy). However, his efforts to undermine Hittite control proved unsuccessful.

Following setbacks at the hands of the Hittite "Great King," Piyamaradu sought an alliance with the Ahhiyawa (Mycenaeans) through a strategic marriage. He married his daughter to Atpa, the Mycenaean vassal king of Miletus.

Our primary source for these events comes from the Manapa-Tarhunta letter, written around 1295 BC. Manapa-Tarhunta, king of the Seha River Land, a Hittite vassal state south of Wilusa, addressed this letter to the Hittite king, likely Muwatalli II. The letter details Piyamaradu's assault on Seha and his installation of Atpa as a rival ruler. The letter informs Muwatalli that "[At the moment] everything is fine", that Hittite troops had arrived in Seha, established order, and then moved on to Wilusa (pretty well confirmed as the city of Troy) in northwest Anatolia suggesting the relief of Seha and Wilusa were part of a broader campaign to quell rebellions.

An excerpt from the treaty reads:

'And as I, My Majesty, protected you, Alaksandu, in good will because of the word of your father, and came to your aid, and killed your enemy for you, later in the future my sons and my grandsons will certainly protect your descendants for you, to the first and second generation. If some enemy arises for you, I will not abandon you, just as I have not now abandoned you. I will kill your enemy for you.'

This passage suggests a history of Hittite intervention on Wilusa's behalf.

Estimates of Muwatalli II's army at Kadesh vary depending on the source (Hittite or Egyptian). Regardless of the precise numbers, it is clear Muwatalli mobilized a significant force fielding an army of between 23,000 and 50,000 troops, including between 2,500 and 10,500 chariots, and enlisted support from distant Hittite vassal states like Pitassa, the Seha River Land, Wilusa, Carchemish, Mitanni, Ugarit, Aleppo, and even Kadesh itself.

Mursilli III's reign was cut short by his uncle, Hatusilli III, who was Muwatalli II's brother. Hatusilli III is most famous for his role in establishing the world's first known peace treaty, the Treaty of Kadesh, with the Egyptians in 1258 BC, sixteen years after the epic battle between the two empires.

The exact identity of the Hittite author remains debated, with Hattusili III being the most likely candidate. The letter is addressed to an unnamed Ahhiyawan king, potentially delivered through a Hittite official or individual named Tawagalawa. This Tawagalawa appears to be stationed in western Anatolia, possibly recruiting mercenaries hostile to the Hittites.

The core message revolves around suppressing anti-Hittite activities in the region, particularly those of a rebel named Piyamaradu. The Hittite king presents the Ahhiyawan king with three options: extraditing Piyamaradu, expelling him from Ahhiyawa, or offering him asylum with the condition of refraining from further rebellion.

The respectful tone suggests the Hittite king viewed his Ahhiyawan counterpart as an equal, addressing him as "brother." This aligns with the concept of diplomacy between Bronze Age empires, where maintaining alliances and managing potential conflicts were crucial aspects of statecraft.

The letter goes on to refer to previous disputes over Wilusa which had now been settled amicably,

'Oh, my brother, write to him this one thing, if nothing else: '...the king of Hatti has persuaded me about the matter of the land of Wilusa concerning which he and I were hostile to one another, and we have made peace.'

And later.

'And concerning the matter (of Wilusa), about which we were hostile (because we have made peace) what then?

'I seized the king of Alashiya with his wives, his children'. All the goods, including silver and gold, and all the captured people I removed and brought home to Hattusa. I enslaved the country of Alashiya and made it tributary on the spot.

Tensions escalated further when Assyrian king Sulmanu-asared I expanded his influence in Syria, a region the Hittites considered within their sphere of power. This perceived encroachment culminated in a major battle near Nihriya around 1245 BC.

King Tud?alia IV, ?attusili's son and successor, led the Hittite forces against the Assyrians. However, the Hittites were defeated at Nihriya located in the Upper Balikh region in Turkiye. The remnants of the Mitanni Empire thereafter came under Assyrian rule.

Following the exploits of Piyamaradu, the Hittite text reveals a new ruler named Walmu on the throne of Wilusa, another Hittite vassal. Unidentified individuals, possibly linked to the Mycenaeans, had apparently overthrown Walmu, who sought refuge in another Hittite-allied kingdom.

The letter from Tudhaliya IV requests Walmu's return to Hattusa, the Hittite capital, for reinstatement as Wilusa's king. It assures the recipient, likely the king of Mira, of continued control over the region's city-states. The language used towards Ahhiyawa, the Mycenaeans, suggests their perceived decline in power compared to just a decade prior, when they were considered equals.

Tudhaliya IV's reign was followed by his sons, Arnuwanda III for a brief period, and then Suppiluliuma II in 1207 BC.

Suppiluliuma II inherited a kingdom facing difficulties both internally and externally. Diplomatic records reveal tensions with vassal states. A royal official wrote to the king of Ugarit criticizing his lack of respect for Suppiluliuma II. Additionally, the king of Carchemish, Talmi-Tessub, a Hittite royal family member, required a new treaty to confirm his loyalty and oversee Syrian affairs.

Suppiluliuma II corresponded with the Assyrian king, probably Tukulti-Ninurta I, though details are unclear due to damaged tablets.

Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions record Suppiluliuma II's military campaigns against former vassal Tar?untassa and the island of Alasiya (Alashiya).

Reliefs and inscriptions from Hattusa depict the king's conquests in southwestern Anatolia, including Wiyanawanda, Tamina, Maja, Lukka, and Ikuna. He then defeated and annexed the rebellious city of Tartuntassa. This focus on regaining control over southern Anatolia might have been driven by a potential famine in the region, evidenced by grain shipments from Egypt and Mukis.

'I Suppiluliuma, Great King, quickly embarked upon the sea. The ships of Alashiya met me in battle three times. I eliminated them. I captured the ships and set then afire at sea. When I reached dry land once more, then the enemy from the land of Alashiya came against me in droves. I fought them.'

Notice Suppiluliuma does not specifically say the enemy were Alashiyans.

"The enemy [advances] against us and there is no number [...]. Our number is pure(?) [. . .] Whatever is available, look for it and send it to me."

The apogee of Hittite power came under king Suppiluliuma I when his armies competed with Egypt and Mitanni for control of the Levant. The Hittite empire collapsed around 1200 BC, dissolving south of the Taurus Mountains into powerful Neo-Hittite city-states which were absorbed into the Assyrian empire in the ninth century BC.

Despite Assyrian dominance, the region retained the name "land of the Hatti" until around 630 BC. However, by that time, the Hittite people, their language, and the accomplishments of their kings had faded from memory. The Assyrians may have absorbed or displaced the Hittite population, leaving behind a cultural landscape forever altered.

Internal Threats: Despite their undoubted success at initially subjugating city-states on the periphery of an expanding empire, the Hittites did not consolidate their gains by imposing strict control, probably due to a lack of manpower. This weakness allowed rebels such as Piyamaradu to incite rebellion. Rebellions in western and southwestern Anatolia were a constant drain on Hittite resources after about 1300 BC.

External Threats: The Hittite Empire was surrounded by other emerging kingdoms and empires. To the south were the Egyptian controlled city states of the Levant. To the east was the ambitiously expanding Middle Assyrian Empire. To the west were the Ahhiyawa (Mycenaeans) who seemed determined to expand their beach heads on the western Anatolian coast.

The decisive victory of the Assyrians at the battle of Nihriya (about 1245 BC) is often said to mark the beginning of the decline of the once mighty Hittite Empire. However, the outcome of the battle may have been very different if the Hittite Empire had not its resources consistently depleted by rebellions in its supposedly vassal city states in Anatolia.

The Sea Peoples: The question of who the Sea Peoples where or where they came from is, to a certain point, irrelevant here. There are too many accounts of invaders or foreigners arriving in the eastern Mediterranean, in the Hittite and Egyptian territories and extending down through the Canaanite city states, for the presence of a group of people, travelling by land and sea, sometimes bent on destruction, at other times only interested in resettling and merging with existing communities, for their disrupting presence to be ignored.

Over Extending: The Treaty of Kadesh in 1258 BC created an uneasy peace between the Hittites and Egyptians but antagonism between the two powers never disappeared. The Hittite invasions of Cyprus somewhere around 1245 and 1200 BC must have galled Egypt who considered Cyprus part of their domain. In any case, the later invasion of Cyprus occurred at a time when Suppiluliuma II's resources were already stretched dealing with internal rebellions and threats from the Assyrians. It was an ill advised third front unless Suppiluliuma was not attacking the Cypriots per se, but was attempting to displace the Sea Peoples who may have already subjugated Cyprus by that time.