Ancient Mediterranean Shipyards and Harbours
Ayn Soukhna: The Industrial Gateway to the Pharaohs’ Sinai (c. 2400-1850 BC)
Ayn Soukhna replaced Wadi al-Jarf as ancient Egypts premier Red Sea port. Read about the advanced metallurgy, arsenic alloying, and the millennium long history of the Middle Kingdom expeditions to Sinai.
By Nick Nutter on 2025-09-4 | Last Updated 2026-01-14 | Ancient Mediterranean Shipyards and Harbours
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Ayn Soukhna
Ayn Soukhna - The Industrial Gateway to the Sinai
Although the expansive and temporary harbour at Wadi al-Jarf fulfilled the monumental requirements of the Pyramid Age, Ayn Soukhna subsequently developed into the gateway for sustained Egyptian activity within the Sinai Peninsula. Situated further north and operating for over a millennium, Ayn Soukhna evolved from a harbour into a complex industrial town.
Ayn Soukhna was first brought to the attention of archaeologists in 1999 by Professor Mahmud Abd El Raziq. The site has been under continuous investigation since 2001 by a joint French and Egyptian archaeological team.
Wadi al-Jarf can be viewed as an experiment and Ayn Soukhna as ‘proof of concept’, utilising all the technology and experience gained at the former to improve and perfect operations at the latter.
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The Strategic Shift: Replacing Wadi al-Jarf
Wadi al-Jarf represented a strategic solution tailored to a unique historical event, the construction of the Giza pyramids. Situated significantly to the south, it provided the most direct maritime route to Sinai but necessitated a challenging 160-kilometre journey across the desert from the Nile Valley for resupply. After the substantial demand for copper diminished following Khufu's reign, the state pursued a more sustainable alternative (Tallet, 2015).
Ayn Soukhna served as an effective solution to the logistical challenges. Situated roughly 100 kilometres north of Wadi al-Jarf, this location significantly impacted strategic planning. Although ships departing from Ayn Soukhna faced a longer, diagonal voyage to access the Sinai mining areas, the harbour itself was approximately 120 kilometres from the central regions of Memphis and Lisht. By relocating operations further north, Egyptian administration exchanged a demanding sea route for a considerably shorter and more manageable land connection to the state's core, thereby enhancing the integration of Sinai trade with the central economy (Abd el-Raziq et al., 2002).
The Industrial Complex at Ayn Soukhna
Unlike Wadi al-Jarf, which functioned primarily as an intermittent staging post, excavations at Ayn Soukhna reveal a site dedicated to heavy industry and long-term habitation. The site is dominated by the rugged red sandstone cliffs that border the coastal plain, into which the Egyptians cut extensive infrastructure.
The most prominent features are ten large galleries carved deep into the rock. Similar to those at Wadi al-Jarf, expedition teams used these galleries to store dismantled ships and heavy equipment between campaigns. Each gallery had a ramp leading to a sturdy door into the gallery itself. These galleries, measuring up to 20 metres in length, were designed to protect the wooden ships from the harsh desert climate between missions. The entrances to three of these galleries were enclosed within a well-built, rectangular lean-to structure, which had a door opening into a large hallway with a roof supported by wooden columns. Archaeological evidence indicates these caves also served as workshops and living quarters during active seasons (Abd el-Raziq et al., 2002).
Intentional Arsenic Alloying - A Technological Advancement
The principal distinguishing feature of Ayn Soukhna pertains to its metallurgical practices, particularly the significant advancements in chemical engineering observed during the Middle Kingdom. Whereas smelters from the Old Kingdom at Wadi al-Jarf predominantly focused on extracting pure copper, recent studies led by archaeometallurgist Georges Verly have revealed that artisans at Ayn Soukhna implemented a notably more advanced technique, the deliberate production of arsenical copper alloys.
For many years, scholars posited that the occurrence of arsenic in ancient Egyptian copper was incidental, arising from the indiscriminate smelting of mixed ores. However, Verly’s analysis of slag and metal prills at Ayn Soukhna challenges this assumption, demonstrating that metallurgists intentionally introduced arsenic-bearing minerals, probably sourced from specific deposits, during the smelting process. This deliberate technological decision resulted in an alloy significantly harder than pure copper, thereby facilitating the manufacture of more durable tools and sharper weapons. Additionally, arsenic functioned as a deoxidising agent, reducing porosity and enhancing the quality of castings, while also imparting a distinctive silvery sheen to the final product.
This industrial activity had a significant physical impact on the landscape. Archaeological excavations have revealed extensive “batteries” of furnaces, systematic arrays of smelting units that are prominent within the operational areas. In contrast to the temporary, wind-driven configurations characteristic of earlier periods, these batteries are indicative of a permanent, large-scale industrial installation. They were carefully maintained, repaired, and reused over extended periods, employing advanced airflow technologies, such as pot bellows, to reach the controlled temperatures necessary for alloy production.
Ayn Soukhna functioned as more than a simple storage or transit facility for raw materials. It operated as a sophisticated refinery where raw imports underwent chemical transformation into finished products before being transported to the Nile Valley (Verly et al., 2021).
A Home from Home - The Evidence of the Painted Jars
Recent archaeological investigations among the substantial furnaces and industrial slag have provided valuable insight into the everyday activities of the personnel stationed along this remote coastline. Although the state supplied basic infrastructure, the identification of a particular type of ceramic vessel, petites jarres peintes (small painted jars), indicates that expedition members preserved elements of their own culture and personal comfort during their time at the Red Sea.
Adeline Bats (2024) distinguishes these vessels from the utilitarian, mass-produced pottery associated with state rations. Attributed to the early Middle Kingdom, the small ovoid jars are composed of "Marl C" clay—a limestone-rich material geologically native to the Memphite region and the Fayum. This evidence indicates that the jars were not produced at the harbour, but rather transported by workers from the capital, Itj-Tawy, functioning as a physical link to their place of origin.
In contrast to the utilitarian storage containers prevalent at the site, these jars exhibit intentional decorative elements. The artisans adorned the rims and necks with red ochre geometric patterns, incorporating vertical lines, droplets, and wave motifs. The form, characterised by narrow necks and flared rims, indicates that these vessels were intended for pouring and likely contained valuable liquids such as oils, sauces, or specialised beverages (Bats, 2024).
The presence of these vessels adds a human dimension to the archaeological record. They indicate that dining at Ayn Soukhna encompassed more than basic sustenance, serving as a social practice in which specific culinary traditions were preserved. Within a setting characterised by state operations, these painted jars illustrate that metallurgists and sailors retained aspects of their regional identities and engaged in refined cultural practices, even at the frontiers of the empire.
Extensive excavations of the workers' camp has given us an insight into the daily life of the labourers. The settlement at Ayn Soukhna was a temporary, highly organised encampment constructed to support the expeditions. The camp was a self-sufficient unit with a clear layout that included dwellings, workshops, and facilities for food preparation that catered for up to 4,000 people. This organised structure is indicative of the state-sponsored character of the expeditions. Evidence of daily activities is extensive, as excavations have revealed numerous baking and cooking facilities, suggesting large-scale food production to sustain the considerable workforce. The discovery of various tools and the remains of metallurgical kilns points to a dynamic environment where workers engaged in specialized tasks, from smelting copper to the construction and repair of vessels.
The Evolution of the Sinai Expedition Route
The relocation to Ayn Soukhna fundamentally restructured the supply chain, transforming the expedition into a coordinated, multi-phase industrial process across the Gulf of Suez.
The Sea Crossing and Landing
Expeditions originating from Ayn Soukhna embarked on a southeasterly voyage exceeding 100 kilometres. Rather than stopping at the Old Kingdom fortress at Tell Ras Budran, which, by this time was probably abandoned and in disrepair, they landed on the open shores of the El-Markha Plain. During the Middle Kingdom period, Egyptians opted not to maintain a significant coastal fortress in this area, instead favouring swift movement from the beach to the interior mountains (Mumford, 2006). Some researchers propose that temporary camps were established along the shoreline, which eliminated the necessity for a permanent garrison.
Wadi Maghara Adopts a Secondary Role
During the Middle Kingdom, Wadi Maghara lost its primacy as a source of copper, attention now focussing on Serabit el-Khadim. While they still mined copper and turquoise at Wadi Maghara, inscriptions there prove Middle Kingdom kings like Amenemhat III sent teams, the vast majority of resources and manpower were directed to the growing temple complex at Serabit el-Khadim.
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Fun Fact – Malachite, Metal or Makeup?: While the expeditions mined malachite (green copper ore) primarily to smelt into bronze tools, the workers had a personal use for it, too. When ground into a fine paste, malachite became green eye paint (udju). This wasn't just for fashion; the copper carbonate in the mineral acted as a mild disinfectant against eye infections and helped reduce the sun's glare in the blinding desert, the ancient equivalent of sunglasses and antibiotic drops rolled into one.
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The Extraction: Serabit el-Khadim
From the coast, donkey caravans pushed inland. Serabit el-Khadim became the premier source for turquoise. Miners extracted both turquoise and copper ore from the extensive galleries on the plateau.
Serabit el-Khadim is famous for its high-quality turquoise mines. Between the veins of turquoise, the miners also found the carbonate hydroxide ore of copper, malachite, which was extracted on a small scale. In addition to being a source of copper, malachite was also used as a gemstone, but turquoise was always the main prize. When fully developed, about 1200 BC, during the reign of Ramesses II, the site was unique in the ancient world.
Serabit el-Khadim was the "crown jewel" of Egyptian mining in the Sinai, a spiritual and cultural centre built on top of a mountain. It is located roughly 10 to 15 kilometres north of Wadi Maghara but sits on a high, wind-swept plateau about 850 metres above sea level.
The site is much larger and more complex than Wadi Maghara. It was a sprawling precinct that combined heavy industry with a major religious sanctuary.
The turquoise veins here were richer and of higher quality than at Maghara. The mining area covers several square kilometres of the plateau, honeycombed with hundreds of shallow surface pits and deep rock-cut galleries.
Because the site was high on a plateau and difficult to reach, the workers lived in close proximity to the mines and the temple. The settlement remains include dry-stone huts and circular enclosure walls protecting sleeping areas from the wind.
One of the most distinct features of the workforce at Serabit el-Khadim was the high number of "Asiatics" working alongside Egyptians.
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Fun Fact – The Retenu: The Egyptians did not usually call the people from Syria, Lebanon, and Canaan "Retenu"; they called them "Aamu", which translates to "Asiatics".
In Egyptian art, these people are instantly recognisable. Unlike the clean-shaven, white-skirted Egyptians, "Asiatics" are depicted with pointed beards, "mushroom-shaped" hairstyles, and colourful, multi-patterned woollen robes. They were viewed as chaotic outsiders ("The vile Asiatic"), but during the Middle Kingdom, many lived in Egypt and Sinai as servants, miners, mercenaries, and even high officials.
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The Temple of the "Mistress of Turquoise"
The most prominent feature of the site is the Temple of Hathor, the "Mistress of Turquoise", which dominates the plateau. Unlike the temporary structures at other mining camps, this was a permanent stone temple that grew over a period of about 700 years. Construction began around 1950 BC, initiated by Pharaoh Senusret, and continued through the New Kingdom under Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. It stretches for over 80 metres, featuring a confused but fascinating mix of monumental gateways, courtyards, and rock-cut shrines. It is the only major pharaonic temple built outside the Nile Valley.
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Fun Fact - The "Mistress" and the Dream Beds: Mining was dangerous work, and the workers at Serabit el-Khadim relied on supernatural help. They worshipped Hathor as the "Mistress of Turquoise." The temple contains evidence of an unusual practice, "incubation rituals." Miners would sleep in the temple precincts, hoping the Goddess would visit them in a dream and reveal the location of the richest turquoise veins. If they found success, they would dedicate a stone stela in her honour, thanking her for the "good find."
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The Birthplace of the Alphabet
This is Serabit el-Khadim’s most famous claim to fame. In 1905, archaeologists discovered sphinxes and rocks covered in a strange script that looked like crude hieroglyphs but was actually an alphabet.
Scholars realised that the Semitic workers at the site, the Retenu had taken Egyptian hieroglyphs and adapted them to write their own language, a precursor to Hebrew and Phoenician.
For example, they took the Egyptian sign for "Ox head" (alep in their language) to represent the sound "A". This script eventually evolved into the Phoenician alphabet, which became Greek, then Latin, and finally the letters you are reading right now.
The Primary Smelter at Wadi al-Nasb
The principal industrial activities of the Sinai expeditions took place inland at Wadi al-Nasb. Situated approximately 20 kilometres from the mines, this site transitioned from a seasonal Old Kingdom processing camp to the fortified industrial centre of Egyptian operations in Sinai during the Middle Kingdom. Its selection was influenced by both geology and hydrology. Unlike the arid mining regions of Maghara or Serabit, Wadi al-Nasb offered a reliable water source (Bir Nasib) and extensive acacia groves suitable for charcoal production, establishing it as the optimal location for large-scale smelting (Tallet, 2015). Over time, Bir Nasib developed into a settlement defended by a fortress.
Donkey caravans arrived at Wadi al-Nasb carrying the copper ore from the mines at Wadi Maghara and Serabit el-Khadim. Workers crushed the rock into gravel-sized pellets using handheld stone pounders, of which thousands have been found at the site. The crushed ore was mixed with charcoal, made from local acacia trees, and flux, then fired in the furnace batteries.
Flux was the critical chemical catalyst that transformed copper smelting from a small-scale experiment into a massive industry. Its importance lies in its ability to solve the primary chemical problem of smelting, silica. Copper ore is naturally embedded in quartz (silica) rock, which has an incredibly high melting point, higher than that of copper itself. Without flux, the silica would remain a sticky, viscous mass inside the furnace, trapping the molten copper and preventing it from pooling together. To solve this, the Egyptians added crushed iron oxide (hematite) as a flux.
The Fortress and The Factory
Wadi al-Nasb underwent significant changes during the Middle Kingdom. The previously dispersed wind-powered furnaces employed by the Pyramid builders were superseded by a centralised, state-managed infrastructure.
Excavations (including recent work by Pierre Tallet) identified long rows of furnaces arranged in "batteries." At the specific locality of Seh Nasb, just one part of the complex, archaeologists found traces of 27 distinct batteries containing over 3,000 individual smelting units.
During the Old Kingdom, the Egyptians ingeniously placed these furnace batteries on wind-swept ridges. They utilised natural wind power to create a "chimney effect", to drive air into the fires, reaching the ~1,200°C needed to melt copper without exhausting the workers with constant blowing through pipes or tuyères.
Sometime during the reign of Amenemhat III, between c 1860 and 1814 BC, The most significant addition to the site was "Building A," a massive, fortified complex covering over 400 square metres. This structure served a dual purpose: it was a "Governor's Residence" for the high officials overseeing the expeditions, complete with paved courtyards and secure magazines, and a command centre for the surrounding industrial zone (Tallet, 2012).
Archaeological evidence indicates that Middle Kingdom smelting operations here were immense. The site is dominated by a slag heap estimated at 100,000 tons, the largest in the Sinai peninsula. Modern archaeometallurgists estimate this waste pile represents the production of approximately 5,000 to 5,500 tons of pure copper over the site's history, an immense amount of wealth for the ancient world. In this era, the site functioned as a primary factory: ore was reduced to rough ingots here to shed the weight of the waste rock before the long journey back to the coast (Rothenberg, 1990).
The Paper Trail The administrative integration of Wadi al-Nasb is substantiated by an extensive epigraphic record inscribed on the site's rocks. Numerous stelae and rock inscriptions are present, closely resembling those documented at Ayn Soukhna and Serabit el-Khadim. Notably, the same royal names, including Amenemhat III and Amenemhat IV, are consistently attested across these sites. Officials frequently recorded inscriptions to mark their safe arrival or successful completion of smelting operations, often invoking Hathor and deified past kings. These records offer compelling evidence that the ships at Ayn Soukhna, the miners at Serabit, and the smelters at Wadi al-Nasb functioned as interconnected elements within a unified administrative system (Tallet, 2012).
Final Processing: Back to Ayn Soukhna
The caravans returned to the ships at El-Markha carrying only high-value cargo, turquoise stones and rough copper ingots. Upon returning to Ayn Soukhna, metallurgists reheated these ingots in the coastal furnaces, alloying them with arsenic or casting them into final forms ready for delivery to the Nile Valley workshops.
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Fun Fact - The Unsung Heroes: We focus on the ships, but the Sinai expeditions ran on donkey power. A single expedition could require a train of over 500 donkeys. These animals were the logistical lifeline, carrying not just the copper ore back to the coast, but, crucially, carrying water from the coast to the waterless mines. There is an ancient logistical rule of thumb, for every donkey carrying copper ore, two or three were needed just to haul the water and grain to keep the team alive.
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The Ships of Wadi al-Jarf and Ayn Soukhna
The naval remains found at both harbours share the same fundamental technology, "sewn planked" construction held together by mortise-and-tenon joints and lashed ropes rather than metal nails. But the condition in which they were found tells a different economic story.
The galleries at Wadi al-Jarf contained a "time capsule" of the 4th Dynasty, high-quality cedar planks, dismantled in an orderly fashion and left desiccated but intact.
Inside galleries G2 and G9, the charred remains of two dismantled Middle Kingdom ships were discovered, meticulously stored in a specific layout. These remains included up to five layers of large cedar planks, each about 10 cm thick and 30 cm wide, stacked in three parallel rows. The planks showed characteristic Egyptian shipbuilding techniques, combining mortise and tenon joints with ligatures, and featured the systematic use of double joints common in seagoing vessels. The timbers were laid out on wooden rods, possibly from rowing equipment. Analysis suggests these were parts of two distinct boats, each 14 to 15 metres long. In addition, two large limestone anchors were unearthed at the entrance to gallery G9.
They represent a well-funded royal fleet operating at the zenith of state power (Tallet, 2015).
In stark contrast, the galleries at Ayn Soukhna were destroyed by an intense fire in antiquity, leaving the ships within carbonised. This probably happened during the period of Retenu unrest or possibly marks an act of ritual closure. Examination of the burnt timbers reveals a working fleet kept operational through intense repair. Planks show signs of constant reuse, recutting, and patching, indicating that during the Middle Kingdom, high-quality timber was a scarcer resource that had to be managed frugally.
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Fun Fact - The First "IKEA" Ships: The ships at Wadi al-Jarf and Ayn Soukhna were the ancient world’s ultimate flat-pack furniture. Because the desert trek to the coast was so difficult, the Egyptians designed ships that could be completely dismantled. Using a system of "mortise and tenon" (wooden pegs) and rope lashing, a 25-metre vessel could be broken down into individual planks, carried across the desert on the backs of donkeys, and reassembled on the beach in a matter of days. No nails required!
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The End of an Era
The Middle Kingdom occupation of Wadi al-Nasb did not end with a gradual withdrawal, but with catastrophe. Excavations of the fortified "Building A" revealed a distinct destruction layer dating to the late 12th or early 13th Dynasty, between c 1760 and 1730 BC. The complex was consumed by a fierce fire that baked its mudbrick walls red. Within the debris, archaeologists discovered copper arrowheads and weapons scattered among abandoned tools and pottery, clear evidence of a battle or siege (Tallet, 2012).
This destruction coincides with the broader collapse of the Middle Kingdom and the rise of local unrest in the Second Intermediate Period. It appears that the local populations of Retenu, who had long worked alongside the Egyptians, rose up against the garrisons. The burning of the fortress at Wadi al-Nasb, occurring at the same time as the burning of the fleet at Ayn Soukhna, marked the violent termination of this logistical corridor, severing Egypt’s direct access to the Sinai mines for centuries.
New Kingdom Partial Rebirth
About 250 years after the Retenu inspired insurrection and the destruction of the Wadi al-Nasb facility, the Egyptians of the New Kingdom returned. Under Pharaohs Thutmose III and Ramesses II, the old fortress was repurposed as a workshop. Archaeological excavations revealed floors strewn with slag and remnants of furnaces dating from about 1480 BC.
During the New Kingdom, the technology also shifted. Workshops moved into sheltered buildings, including the converted administrative fortress, and used bellows and tuyères for more precise temperature control. But the integrated logistical system of the Middle Kingdom was gone forever.
Survival and Longevity
Ayn Soukhna achieved sustained success as a Red Sea port due to its geographically advantageous location. In contrast to Wadi al-Jarf, which operated for approximately 50 years during the peak of the pyramid-building period, Ayn Soukhna served as the principal Red Sea port for over one thousand years, from the late Old Kingdom through the Middle Kingdom and, following a 250-year interruption, into the New Kingdom.
The Inscriptions at Ayn Soukhna
The walls of the site are adorned with rock inscriptions and seal impressions, providing evidence of its prolonged period of use. Royal names identified at the location start with Djedkare Isesi of the Fifth Dynasty, who died about 2375 BC, to significant Middle Kingdom rulers such as Senusret III and Amenemhat III who died in 1814 BC. The latter notably presided over the height of activity at both Ayn Soukhna and the Sinai mines (Abd el-Raziq et al., 2002).
Most notable of these inscriptions are:
Middle Kingdom Inscriptions
Stela of Mentuhotep IV (c. 2000 BC, Dynasty 11): This is the most ancient, engraved stela, bearing the full-length representation and titulary of Mentuhotep IV.
It outlines an expedition in Year 1 that involved the "arrival of the king’s men" with a workforce of 3000, tasked "to bring back turquoise, copper, bronze (?), and other fine products of the desert".
Stela of Amenemhet I (7th regnal year, Dynasty 12): Found next to Mentuhotep IV's stela. This stela mentions 4,000 men recruited for the same purpose as the Mentuhotep IV expedition (bringing back turquoise, copper, bronze, and other fine products), explicitly referring to turquoise, which was only found in South Sinai.
Hieratic inscription from year 9 of Sesostris I (Amenemhet I’s successor, Dynasty 12): The stela indicates that an official was dispatched to the ‘mining land’, a term specifically referring to the mining zone in Sinai at that time.
Inscribed stela from year 2 of Amenemhet III (c. 1850 BC, late Dynasty 12): Lists the names of several officials involved in an expedition that passed through Ayn Soukhna. One official, Ity, son of Isis and ‘repeller of scorpions’, is also attested in two inscriptions from the same year at Wadi Maghara, the heart of the Sinai mining zone.
Hieratic inscriptions on ceramic material: Abundant ceramic material from Dynasty 12 found in the galleries sometimes bears these ink inscriptions. An example is a late Middle Kingdom jar with the name of the "Assistant of the Treasurer" (Xry-a n jmy-r xmt) Iki.
Old Kingdom Inscriptions (discovered 2009-2010)
Provide substantial evidence of earlier occupation at Ayn Soukhna.
Inscription in Gallery G6 (King Djedkare-Isesi, c. 2400 BC, Dynasty 5): Found 3 metres into gallery G6 on a plastered wall, written in black ink (approx. 65 x 40cm). Its structure is reminiscent of the Abusir papyri used for royal mortuary temple accounts. Though incomplete, it clearly followed the king’s titulary (beginning with his Horus name) with a narrative detailing the expedition's main aspects including means of transportation, itinerary, and goods brought back. The last section likely recorded staff categories. Notably, it mentions kbnt-boats, a ‘Byblos’ type vessel used for long seafaring expeditions, making it the most ancient mention of such boats in an Egyptian document. Sealings of Djedkare-Isesi had also been previously discovered at the site.
Expedition commemoration text in Gallery G1 (King Isesi, around year 14 of his reign, Dynasty 5): Found in the largest gallery, inscribed in black ink on a plastered wall. Dates a previously unknown expedition to the Sinai to the seventh census of King Isesi. It names the expedition leader, Sed-Hetepi, and provides one of the first clear attestations of the ancient Egyptian toponym for the Sinai Peninsula, ‘the Terraces of Turquoise’ (xtjw mfkAt).
References
Rothenberg, B. (1990). The Ancient Metallurgy of Copper. Institute for Archaeo-Metallurgical Studies.
Do you enjoy my articles? For your reading pleasure, this website does not carry third party ads. You could help me write more articles by buying me a cup of coffee.
1: Egypt's Wadi al-Jarf c 2600 - 2560 BC
2: Egypt's Ro-She Khufu 2580 - 2500 BC
4: Egypt's Mersa/Wadi Gawasis c 2000 - 1500 BC
5: Dana Island, Turkey c 800 BC - 700 AD
